Mittwoch, 26. Januar 2011

15. Zionist/Israeli Planning: The Fabrication of Israel - V.4 Killing the Cities: Jaffa

Neue Veröffentlichung! Teil 15 online verfügbar (siehe unten)

THE FABRICATION OF ISRAEL

About the Usurpation and Destruction of Palestine through Zionist Spatial Planning

A Unique Planning Issue

Viktoria Waltz - Herausgeberin - Dortmund 2010 – Eigenverlag

Die hier in loser Folge zur Veröffentlichung vorliegenden Texte geben einen detaillierten Einblick in die Vorgänge, die zum Konstrukt Israel geführt haben und lassen keinen Zweifel daran, dass es unter den bestehenden zionistischen Rahmenbedingungen um nichts geringeres als das Ganze geht, um ein jüdisches Israel ohne Palästinenser und mit keinem Impuls für zwei Staaten, die nebeneinander leben könnten und auch nicht um eine Integration Israels in den Nahen Osten, sondern um die Fortsetzung des aggressiven, zerstörerischen Kurses bis hin zu weiteren Kriegen. (wöchentlich mittwochs online, siehe vorige Texte im Archiv Dez 2010/januar 2011)

V
Killing the Cities - the Example of Jerusalem/Al Quds, Hebron/Al Khalil and Jaffa in Israel

4. The Usurpation of Ancient Jaffa – Judaised and Changed into
‘Tel Aviv's Old City‘


Conclusion from last part (V.3 Hebron/Al Khalil):
Hebron differs from all other colonies because the settlers are located in the densely-populated centre of a large Palestinian city, occupying land and houses that are side-by-side with Palestinian homes. There are more than 4,000 Israeli soldiers based in Hebron. The presence of these soldiers makes life miserable for Palestinian residents. Checkpoints, this permanent presence of soldiers, and aggressive settlers harassing the women and children in the houses brought international groups and institutions into those areas most in danger as witnesses, and also to secure the lives of the Palestinian families. They accompany students to their school and other activities. During the current Intifada, many residents of Hebron’s Old City moved, leaving just a few thousand Palestinian residents in H2, hence the danger of a full occupation of the Old City is increasing. Hebron is the most violent place in the usurpation war of Jews. Hebron is also an example on the hand-in-hand work of government and settlers; one does the occupation and destruction according to plans of the WZO for the Palestinian districts, the other supports by means of military power and confiscation orders. And also we can learn that any activity, even the smallest like a visit of some Jews in a hotel, has a meaning in the long-term planning project of usurping Palestine and changing it into a full Jewish area under Israeli control.
At next the ancient city of Jaffa is in the focus – a city that suffered from usurpation since the declaration of the state of Israel.

Viktoria Waltz

V 4. The Usurpation of Ancient Jaffa – Judaised and Changed into
‘Tel Aviv's Old City‘

Galili and Nir (2000) consider the ‚mixed cities or more precisely Jewish cities with an Arab minority‘ (like Acca, Haifa or Jaffa) a metaphor for the entire Israeli-Palestinian conflict’. From planning point of view they see a governmental ‘desire to marginalize the Arab residents.’ Even more precisely: Jaffa’s case is ‘representing just the latest stage in a policy of ethnic cleansing which has been followed for decades’ (Washington Report on the Middle East Affairs, July 2008: 14-15). This stage includes neglecting the needs of the Palestinian communities, shaping their culture, history and existence to zero and finally evicting them out of their living quarters by means of planning and rogue laws. To speak about ‘mixed cites’ of what Jaffa was one of the first, is just a euphemism. A walk around Jaffa’s neighborhoods shows clearly, there is no mixing; moreover the run down character of streets and buildings of the ‘Arab’ side are ‘a stark contrast’ from those of Tel Aviv, an evident gap between north and south, Tel Aviv and Jaffa.
Jaffa today as most of the Arab cities has no Arab street signs anymore which have been replaced with Hebrew names and Zionist meaning like ‘Palmach’, ‘Haganah’, ‘Herzl’, etc., intending to erase the past, and setting the new facts with names of Zionist leaders and groups who were responsible for the ethnic cleansing of Palestine. Not a single Palestinian community in these cities has a cultural center or a museum representing Palestinian life, culture and history – they are ‘visible invisibles ‘.
The NZZ (Neue Zuericher Zeitung) known for its objective comments speaks in an article on ‘Travelling’ of the Arab influence, still visible in the ‘bazaar’ area, however ‘tempi passati’. In contrast the author presents us a nice story about individual Jewish engagement to keep Old Jaffa: ‘Artists and intellectuals from Tel Aviv fell in love with Old Jaffa and reconstructed the houses on their own account. Repaying the government gave them 99 years ‘leaseholds’; what in truth belonged to Palestinians before (NZZ online 4.1.2008, Thomas Veser: Joppa, Yafo und Jonas im Fischbauch, translation form German Waltz).
Misinterpretation and neglecting history is typical for the Israeli influenced sight of the outside world on Israel’s reality especially the situation of the Palestinians inside Israel. Serious informants like e.g. the Austrian planning company SUTRA, which claims in general to look at ‘sustainable urban transformation’, informs under ‘culture and entertainment’ in exciting manner about Tel Aviv, the ‘home of the world famous Israeli Philharmonic Orchestra’, opera, theatre, museums of international art etc., however no word about Arab or Palestinian existence. Multiculturalism exist under ‘kitchen’, described as an offer thrilling to a ‘thriving and boisterous restaurant community’ and moreover: ‘Morocco, Greece, Turkey and Spain have brought Israel the Mediterranean’ - however Fallafel, Humus – origin Palestinian food since centuries - are shown as typical Israeli. (ess.co.at/SUTRA/Cities/telaviv)

Looking deeper into the Palestinian existence in the southern Palestinian parts of the city they are not provided sufficiently with schools, universities, hospitals or job opportunities. The population in general is poorer and neglected by the Israeli government in terms of provision with infrastructure, sufficient housing, job opportunities and space (see section III). As a matter of fact the existing economic, social and cultural discrimination led to protests and clashes between Palestinian youth and Jewish neighbors in recent years.
Furthermore, a decent policy of driving the Palestinian out of their areas in favoring investment in luxury new buildings of wealthy Israelis in this attractive southern part of Tel Aviv beside the sea shore, is threatening the whole community to total eviction. It was reported recently, that also extremist Israeli settler groups from West Bank colonies are involved, transferring aggressive actions from there to inside Israel and cities like Acca or Jaffa, giving the government arguments for the interpretation, that Jewish inhabitants are endangered and hence have to be protected (The Jerusalem Fund: oct.15.2008). However clashes between the citizen of Jaffa and ‘foreign authorities’ are not something new. The process from Jaffa, the historic Palestinian city and Tel Aviv, the brand new Jewish, living beside each other until this conflict situation of today is the issue of the following paragraphs (for details about the full planning process see LeVine 2005).
4.1 Jaffa and Tel Aviv – twins of conflict until 1948
Jaffa (Arab. Yaffa, Heb. Yafo, Bible Joppa), the ‘bride of the sea’ is a Palestinian Arab city, which lies in the west central of Palestine, on the Mediterranean Sea. Jaffa has an ancient history reaching back to the Bronze Age.
In modern times, until 1948 the city was probably one of the most prosperous and cosmopolitan Palestinian city, famous for its oranges, its port and a flourishing industry, (cigarettes, cotton, leather, textile, wood boxes). It had an international school system, higher education institutes and a lively cultural life; dozens of newspapers (15) and journals (4) were published in Jaffa, many famous Arab artists like the singer Oum Kulthum and others performed in its beautiful atmosphere.
(Image 1: Coast line of Jaffa in the 20th century
Source: palestineremembered.com)
Since the 19th century and because of its growing economy and cultural life Jaffa became attractive for migration of many Arabs in the surrounding countries and was also a gateway for incoming Jews.

After World War I and the defeat of the Ottoman Empire Jaffa came under British Mandate like all Palestine.
However, since the Zionist movement entered Palestine and built the first pure Jewish and modern city Tel Aviv as arrival point for Jewish migrants and centre of the colonisation, beautiful Jaffa and its fertile surrounding was a temptation and a thorn in the eye. Consequently the Zionist movement started purchasing land in and around the 24 Jaffa’s villages which was part of preparing the future hegemony over Jaffa (HRA 2005: 6). In 1921 Tel Aviv got its own city council thus becoming independent from Jaffa. From that time on Jaffa was limited in .its extension to the north (see map 1) and mutual planning was difficult. ....

Dienstag, 25. Januar 2011

"palestine papers ...the biggest Jerusalem Israel ever got": Silwan Reality


Planung um Fakten zu schaffen - seit Beginn der zionistischen Kolonisierung Palästinas


Silwan - nur ein Beispiel für die 'letzte Schlacht' - und nur einer der bedrohten historischen Stadtteile Jerusalems. da sind noch Sheich Jerah,

Aus der Zusammenfassung des Maqdese Berichts über die illegalen Übergriffe in Silwan 2010:
"EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Silwan, im Fokus der Judaisierung Jerusalems
Silwan, a Palestinian neighbourhood in occupied East Jerusalem just south of the walls of the Old City has become a focal point in the ongoing Israeli efforts to illegally Judaize Jerusalem.

In the past ten years alone over 300 people have been rendered homeless as a result of illegal house demolitions, more than 200 of these being children and this is a practice that shows no signs of abating. In the pipelines at present is an extensive plan to eradicate the entire neighbourhood of Al-Bustan, home to nearly 1000 people, and build a biblical theme park in its place. From almost the moment East Jerusalem was illegally annexed the Israeli authorities set in motion their plan to Judaize the city;
The Israeli Town Planning Scheme / Master Plan 2000 (TPS 2000) issued by the
occupation Municipality and Ministry of Interior aims to create a Jewish majority in both parts of Jerusalem of 77% by the year 2020.

Absicht der Planungsgesetze: Expansion jüdischer Kolonien, Blockieren der Entwicklung palästinensischer Wohngebiete

One of the strongest weapons in Israel’s arsenal for Judaizing the city has been a racist and oppressive set of planning laws which have systematically aided Jewish expansion while simultaneously blocked that of Palestinians. The control of huge sections of East Jerusalem is achieved through a series of discriminatory municipal ordinances which are designed to hinder Palestinian attempts at development. These policies result in severe housing shortages among the Palestinian population (which in theory will drive the Palestinians out of the city, but in practice force the Palestinians to build without permits) but they are not new. Such policies and strategies were originally conceived as early as 1968 in order to create a framework for the gradual integration of East Jerusalem into Israel proper and its complete separation
from the West Bank.
The most effective of these policies to date have been the Planning and Building Act of 1965, the Town Planning Scheme, the Absentee Property law and the re-drawing of the Jerusalem municipal boundaries to include the land of numerous Palestinian villages while excluding the population centres. The collective effect of these schemes has resulted in a vastly expanded Jerusalem which has expropriated Palestinian land while forcefully keeping the Palestinian people out of the city.
Planung in Silwan: Enteigung sugenannen Abwesenden Landes
In Silwan the Absentee Property law has been a major problem for the Palestinian residents. The Law was legislated in 1950 to help the new State of Israel assume ownership of the land left behind by the departing Palestinian refugees and in time came to ensure that no claim would be held for these lands by the refugees who fled during the war. This law has been used extensively in Silwan by the right-wing settler group El’ad whose mission statement proclaims that the goal of the organisation is to ‘strengthen the Jewish connection to Jerusalem.

Planung in Silwan: Archeology als politische Waffe - Spiel mit der Geschichte
After forcefully taking over numerous landmark properties in Silwan El’ad then took control of the ‘City of David’ tourist and excavation site in 1997.
Since this takeover archaeology has been used as a political weapon against the Palestinian residents of Silwan and three main areas of concern result from this activity.
1) The role archeology plays in the creation of the historical narratives that are presented to the public and their impact on public opinion.
2) The impact the archaeological dig has on the community which lives in and around the archaeological-tourist sites.
3) The way archaeology is being used to justify Jewish settlement and strengthen settlement activity in a highly disputed and sensitive area.
A fine example of the conflicting opinions regarding the ‘City of David’ is the differing narratives
on offer from the official El’ad tour of the site and the alternative archaeology tour which is organised by Emek Shaveh, an organisation of archaeologists and community activists focussing on the role of archaeology in Israeli society and in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The official El’ad tour announces that City of David is the place where it all began claiming it to be the site where King David established the capital of his kingdom 3,000 years ago.
The alternative tour points out that none of this has actually been proven.
The importance of the legitimacy of the City of David in biblical terms and its perceived location beneath the streets of Silwan is the fulcrum of the modern day threat to the entire neighbourhood of Al-Bustan where the municipality is trying to demolish 88 Palestinian homes which it claims are illegal to make way for the King David gardens. Many archaeologists see this as political hijacking of their profession in order to further the goals of the Zionist regime. In essence it boils down to the rights of people today against a vague historical interpretation of the Bible.
Clashes between the local Palestinians and the settlers and their armed guards are common with numerous violent incidents and serious injuries resulting. The illegal settler building ‘Beit Yehonatan’ in the heart of Silwan is perhaps the strongest provocation against the Palestinians who have seen 35 of their homes demolished, displacing 90 adults and 103 children since the blatantly illegal building was constructed. Tensions are reaching boiling point as the settler construction still stands overlooking the 88 Palestinian homes which are slated for demolition simply because they are Palestinian.
Alle Planung ist illegal nach internationalem Recht
In a legal context none of this can be justified. Almost every action currently being taken in Silwan is in contravention of some international law or convention Israel is a party to. The categorical disregard shown by the Israeli authorities towards international humanitarian law and international human rights law is shameful. East Jerusalem is occupied territory and as such the Palestinians are protected people and Israel has no authority to change the landscape. Palestinian construction is not some political act of defiance (unlike Beit Yehonatan) but a case of human need. In addition, if the planned demolitions in Al-Bustan go ahead there are solid grounds that that this will constitute a war crime and a crime of persecution against humanity. Using the Bible as a means of justifying rendering nearly 1000 people homeless is a shocking abuse of people’s faith and cannot be allowed to happen.


weitere Texte dazu siehe im Blog archive


"The biggest Yerushalayim" - The Palestine Papers - Al Jazeera English

"The biggest Yerushalayim" - The Palestine Papers - Al Jazeera English

Discussing the Palestine Papers Pt1 - Middle East - Al Jazeera English

Discussing the Palestine Papers Pt1 - Middle East - Al Jazeera English

weitere Folgen und weitere Berichte bei Al Jazeera siehe auf dem palaestina-portal:
http://www.palaestina-portal.eu/

Jerusalem revelations irk residents - Middle East - Al Jazeera English

No State Solution?


Jerusalem revelations irk residents - Middle East - Al Jazeera English

Dienstag, 18. Januar 2011

14. Israelische Siedlungspolitik-Zionist/Israeli Planning: The Fabrication of Israel - V.3 Killing the Cities: Hebron



Neue Veröffentlichung! Teil 14 online verfügbar (siehe unten)
THE FABRICATION OF ISRAEL
About the usurpation and destruction of Palestine through Zionist spatial planning

A UNIQUE PLANNING ISSUE

Die hier in loser Folge zur Veröffentlichung vorliegenden Texte geben einen detaillierten Einblick in die Vorgänge, die zum Konstrukt Israel geführt haben und lassen keinen Zweifel daran, dass es unter den bestehenden zionistischen Rahmenbedingungen um nichts geringeres als das Ganze geht, um ein jüdisches Israel ohne Palästinenser und mit keinem Impuls für zwei Staaten, die nebeneinander leben könnten und auch nicht um eine Integration Israels in den Nahen Osten, sondern um die Fortsetzung des aggressiven, zerstörerischen Kurses bis hin zu weiteren Kriegen. (wöchentlich mittwochs online)

V
Killing the Cities - the Example of Jerusalem/Al Quds, Hebron/Al Khalil and Jaffa in Israel

Viktoria Waltz
3. Hebron-Al Khalil: a Step-by-Step Usurpation by Aggressive 'Settlers'

Conclusion from last part (see all parts archive Dec 2010 - 2011):
East Jerusalem is considered to be the capital of a Palestinian State by the Palestinians and the Palestinian Authorities. Hence, Israel under the known geographical aims and the efforts to legitimate the judaizing by constructing or fabricating Jewish history in that important place, was concentrating through planning on several aspects. For instance, the creation of something called David City, which is then the Citadel, Mamilla area and all the surrounding of the Bab Al Khalil, Jaffa Gate; upgrading and reshaping a quarter, that was inhabited by Jews in ancient times, to the New Jewish Quarter, including everything that surrounds the most holy Jewish place, the wailing wall. Also there is the concept of re-establishing Roman characteristics like the Cardo which must be understood as one part of eliminating Palestinian witness. The same interpretation can be done for the 'Cultural Mile', which is in parts a re-invention of a 'modern Jewish culture', like the windmill quarter of the end of the 19th century and the 'green belt' around the ancient city walls. Moreover and a crucial factor for the future of the city is the establishing of the colonies in and around the eastern part of the city usurping more land and establishing a majority of Jews in new borders. Again, planning is misused for demographic and geographic changes and reshaping the map and a country against international and human law.
See the following chapter about Hebron/Al Khalil.
V
Viktoria Waltz
3. Hebron-Al Khalil: a Step-by-Step Usurpation by Aggressive 'Settlers'

Hebron is one of the oldest cities in the world, dating back 6,000 years and known in Arabic as “Khalil Al- Rahaman”, referring to Ibrahim (Abraham): “Who can be better in religion than one who submits his whole self to Allah, does good, and follows the way of Abraham the true in faith? For Allah did take Abraham for a friend.” (Holy Quran 4:125). He is believed to have been buried in the cave under the present Ibrahimi mosque. Except for about a century during the epoch of the Crusades, Hebron has remained a predominantly Muslim city. Jews were allowed to reside in the town, always being a small minority. Only access to the 'Haram', the area around the mosque, was restricted to Muslims. At the time of the British Mandate and the planned infiltration of Zionists, the Hebron Jewish Community was attacked during the upheavals of 1929. Sixty-seven Palestinian Jews were killed and the rest of the 2,000-strong Jewish community left the city. (PACE 1999: 95pp)
Hebron today, with around 150,000 inhabitants, is the second city in terms of population and the chief town of the southern part of the West Bank. It is the commercial centre for traders from more than 100 surrounding villages and communities.

Hebron is situated 36 kilometres south of Jerusalem and some 25 km from Bethlehem.
Hebron is the highest city in Palestine, with an altitude of 925 m in the Old City and 1,000 m in the New City areas. Its climate is temperate; it is also blessed with a rich water supply from natural reservoirs and springs. Its fertile soil provides it with agricultural potential and it was and is still an important agricultural town. Apples, plums, figs, almonds, grapes, melons, and a variety of vegetables are cultivated in Hebron. The economic base for Hebron is small-scale industry producing cotton fabrics and clothes, leather products and other forms of handicrafts such as ceramics and glass. Dozens of quarries export stone and marble to the neighbouring Arab countries (PACE 1999. 101). The relatively stable and increasing prosperity of the city came to an end after the Israeli occupation in 1967 and the entrance of fanatical Jewish groups. There had no longer been a Jewish community since the thirties, and from the time of the occupation Israel started in two ways a silent and later aggressive usurpation process: a) allowing fanatical settler groups to enter the city occupying buildings in and around the Old City, and b) planting a huge colony alongside it, eventually leading to the division of the centre of Hebron by so-called agreements after 1993. In the words of the Zionist Movement, 'those who live here see the renewed vibrancy of the land as the fulfilment of the words of the Prophet Joel: "Nectar will flow from the mountains, and milk will run from the hilltops, and from all the channels water will stream ... and Judah will be established forever." (WZO 1984: 18)

3.1 Usurping Hebron through Fanatical Jewish Groups, Backed by the Israeli Government

Hebron until now is the only Palestinian city in the West Bank besides East Jerusalem in which there are Israeli settlements in the heart of the city. For this reason it was the only city in the West Bank not included in the agreement signed in 1995 and from which the Israeli ‘Defence Force’ (IDF) did not withdraw.
The first Jewish group entered the city already in 1967 under the famous Rabbi 'Levinger'. (Waltz/Zschiesche 1986) They moved into a city hotel, called the 'Daboja', and later occupied it, followed by further occupation of neighbouring housing including the Hadasa Building. (PACE 1999:98) Yuval Neeman, a member of the right-wing party Tekhiya, explained the occupation as follows: "Hebron has to be changed into a city with Jewish majority like Jaffa" (TAZ 12.7.1983). When the Palestinian mayor of Hebron complained to the Israeli government against these hostile acts, the following answer was given: "A small group of faithful Jews and their families spontaneously had decided to move their homes to Hebron, a city that has a long tradition of honourable Jewish life. We don't see any reason why neighbours cannot live together, friendly and peacefully in Hebron". (Israeli Government 1969) Backed with this point of view, more fanatical settler groups were encouraged to enter even the inner Old City, occupying buildings and roofs (1979) in the Kasaba of Hebron, as well as holy places, holy to the Muslim, Christian and Jewish religions alike: the Ibrahimi Mosque itself, the 'Hadassah-Daboja' area, 'Tel Rumeida' (1984) and 'Beit Romana' along the Shuhada Bazaar street. All of these places are located close either to densely populated or to busy commercial areas (see map 2). Most of these occupied places in the inner city number less than fifty families, that is approximately 400 people. However, 'secured' by Israeli military, these hostile spots of Jewish inhabitants produced an atmosphere and a factual situation that made it intolerable to live 'peacefully together', and in fact this was not the aim of these Jewish groups. Therefore, Palestinian families who had lived in the Old City for centuries left its poorest parts. ...

Sonntag, 16. Januar 2011

Die BDS Kampagne in Deutschland muss Fahrt aufnehmen: flash mob am 10.5.?


SOLIDARITÄT ist die Zärtlichkeit der Völker ...
Einige Gedanken zur BDS Kampgane

"Solidarität ist die Zärtlichkeit der Völker!" Diese wundervolle Bemerkung des Ché fällt mir bei der aktuellen Debatte der Palästina-Bewegung ein: hat diese abstrakt geführte Diskussion um ein richtiges oder falsches Zukunftsmodell für Palästina aber mit dieser Hoffnung auch nur irgendetwas gemein? Hilft sie den Palästinensern die Besatzung zu beseitigen, um Luft zu bekommen für das Planen und Erreichen einer nachhaltigen Zukunft?
Was vor allem auffällt, erst recht seitdem es auch noch um pro/contra Atzmon geht, ist die Enge der Diskussion, die den Rahmen Holocaust nicht verlässt und damit im genetischen (‚rassischen‘) Diskurs verbleibt. Der Zionismus – wie ja fast alle wissen, ist kein Produkt des Holocaust, ebenso wenig wie der zionistische Staat selbst, der Holocaust hat den Okkupationsprozess nur beschleunigt. Der Zionismus war von vornherein genetisch ( und damit rassistisch -nationalistisch) angelegt und das Geschehen, was man historisch mit dem Namen Holocaust bezeichnet, hat diese Entwicklung leider, aber nicht notwendig, gefördert. Man hätte das Gegenteil davon vermuten können, nämlich dass eine rassistisch verfolgte Menschengruppe vor jeder Art Nationalismus/Rassismus immun sei. Das Gegenteil ist eingetreten, in Israel wird das Verständnis von Demokratie und Genetik ( Rassismus) als Einheit ganz unverhohlen eingstanden und ausgeführt; die Fortsetzung des ungeheuerlichlichsten Dramas des 20. Jahrhunderts?

Was ist die Rolle des Zionismus über die Staatsgründung Israels hinaus?
Lokal
– Besatzung, genetisch (rassisch) begründete Diskriminierung, Verfolgung, Vertreibung und all dies in Israel selbst und in den 1967 besetzten Gebieten, Erhaltung der Besatzung als System des Machterhalts im ehemaligen Mandatsgebiet Palästina
Regional - Vergewaltigung der Völker des Nahen Ostens, Betreiben von Unfrieden, Instabilität und Spaltung, Zerstörung von Ressourcen, Erhaltung des Kriegszustandes als Dauerzustand
Global - Sicherung der Interessen der westlichen Welt in diesem strategisch bedeutsamen Teil der Welt, Speerspitze der US-Weltmachtinteressen in Bezug auf die Kontrolle Europas, Russlands, bzw. des ehem. SU-Gebiets und die Sicherung industriebdeutender Ressourcen; die Interessensphäre umfasst den großen Bogen vom ferneren Osten (Afghanistan) bis zur Türkei – der Iran ist ein Loch in diesem großen Bogen, das geschlossen werden soll.
Zionismus agiert nicht nur im Interesse und für die Sicherheit der Juden in der Welt (‚Lehre‘ aus dem Holocaust) oder gar im Interesse ‚Nie wieder Rassismus nirgendwo' (was das Verbrechen der Verfolgung der Juden als ‚Rasse‘ auch nahelegen könnte) – sondern agiert im Interesse weitreichenderer strategischer Ziele in der Weltmachtpolitik.
Wer die Debatte (nur) um den lokalen Bezug (Staatenlösung) und dies auf der Basis Holocaust (‚moralisch korrekt‘ für einen demokratischen Staat unabhängig von Religion und Genen) führt, verliert den Blick – der Streit lenkt vom Wesentlichen ab.

Die Rolle der BDS Kampagne in der BRD
Die BDS Kampagne handelt global und lokal zugleich. Sie bringt die Besatzung, den konkretesten und sichtbaren Ausdruck des Zionismus in Form der Politik des Staates Israel in direkten Zusammenhang zu den globalen, internationalen Kapitalinteressen. Sie ist nicht moralisch in Bezug auf den Holocaust, sondern bezieht sich moralisch auf internationale humane Werte und Beschlüsse: keine Unterstützung und Zusammenarbeit mit rassistischen Regimes, Selbstbestimmungsrecht der Völker und Beendigung der Besatzung fremden Territoriums. Sie fordert schlicht nur ein, was für andere Staaten gilt, die diese Normen verletzen und wofür ggfls. die UN sogar eingreifen, um die Sicherheit der Zivilbevölkerung und/oder die Einhaltung von Menschenrechten zu garantieren.
Die BRD spielt in diesem Zusammenhang eine besondere Rolle, weil die Holocaust Vergangenheit als ein andauerndes Faustpfand für andauernde Unterstützung des zionistischen Staates im Interesse der Weltmachtpolitik dient und als immer wieder nützliches Argument seit einiger Zeit sogar extensiv von einer sogenannten Israel Lobby in Deutschland missbraucht wird. Es ist also wichtig, dass die BDS Kampagne, die sowohl Israel als auch die BRD im Einklang mit der international geführten BDS Kampagne unter Druck setzen will, an Fahrt zunimmt.
Bisher, so scheint es mir, gibt es viel zersplittertes, gute Aktionen hier und da, wie z.B. die Nakbe Ausstellungsrundreise. Die Palästina Solidarität hat sich seit einiger Zeit auch als Bewegung der BDS Kampagne angenommen. Es ist notwendig, dass die diversen Kräfte sich zusammenschließen, statt aneinander vorbei auf Standpunkten zur Staatsidee herumzureiten.

Zur BDS – Kampagne Deutschland – ein paar ergänzende Ideen
Es sind Ansätze zum weiteren Ausbau – neben den aktuellen Aufrufen gegen die Bundesbahn und andere Unternehmen, die in der West Bank in illegale Aktivitäten der Israelischen Regierung involviert sind, u.a. Cohen von einem Konzert in Israel abzuhalten oder örtliche Aktionen etwa gegen Baumsponsoren für den JNF Jüdischen National Fond). ...

1. Es braucht Dossiers über Fakten, die zu Flugblättern, Infos und Presseerklärungen genutzt werden können (es gibt zu wenig in deutsches, leider fast nur englisches und französisches Material)
2. Es braucht politische Kurzpapiere, Faltblätter oder A5 Blättchen im Sinne von ‚Wussten Sie schon…? (gab es bei der dpg z.B. zum Kirchentag)
3. Es braucht eine Form der Vernetzung, die verschiedene Aufgaben an verschiedene Gruppen/Experten verteilt je nach Kenntnis, Ortsbezug und so weiter, also wo das entsprechende Engagement und Knowhow vorhanden ist ( z.B. kommen Bundestagsabgeordnete am ehesten an Fakten zu konkreten Militärausgaben heran, um Material für Dossiers zu erarbeiten, andere können gut Kurzinfos schreiben etc…)
4. Es braucht vielleicht auch einen Zeitplan dafür, was man sich von den vielen Möglichkeiten kurz- und langfristig vornehmen kann, was im Zentrum steht für eine bestimmte Phase – neben den immer wiederkehrenden Spontan-Aktionen, die uns die Realität aufzwingt und auch den Aktionen der Israel Lobby, die jährlich in dem israel day von I like Israel ILI gipfeln

Nach meinem Denken und den gesammelten Erfahrungen sind es folgende Schwerpunkte, unter denen besonders in der Bundesrepublik die Unterstützung Israels läuft und deren Selbstverständlichkeit mitsamt der Finanzierung und ideologischen Vergiftung wir angreifen sollten, um die obengenannten Zusammenhänge anzugreifen und damit den notwendigen Druck entfalten zu können, die Besatzung zu beenden und das Selbstbestimmungsrecht des Palästinensischen Volkes international einzufordern und es zu unterstützen (und zwar ganz unabhängig davon, welche Zukunft näher oder ferner im Auge der Unterstützer ist, also ohne Dogma) .
Das sind:
I Wirtschaftshilfe – vor allem als Teil der Entwicklungshilfe
II Waffenhilfe – auch im Zusammenhang mit der NATO
III Städtepartnerschaften
IV Wissenschaftsförderung
V Tourismusförderung
VI Gewerkschaftsbeziehungen

Im Einzelnen:
I Wirtschaftshilfe
Nachdem die Wiedergutmachung als Posten der Unterstützung des Aufbaus Israels (siehe genauer bei Kenneth Lewan, was da auf Kosten der Palästinenser unterstützt wurde) zu Ende gegangen ist, ist die finanzielle Unterstützung Israels als Entwicklungshilfe deklariert worden; letzte Schwerpunkte dabei waren Wissenschaftstransfer und Tourismusförderung. Hierzu passt natürlich der Boykott von Warenproduzenten und von Waren (H&M, Ratiopharm, Ahava, Rheinmetall, Soda Club, Deutsche Bank, Heidelberg Zement …siehe KoPI Seite, oder http://gush-shalom.org.toibillboard.info/boycott_eng.htm)
Was wird gebraucht?
Dossiers zu:
z.B. Quantität der Förderung – wie viel $/€ in welchen Jahren – im Vergleich zu armen Ländern wie Tansania z.B. ; Inhalt der Förderung – wenn es um Materielles geht: wer ist beteiligt, welche Firmen, in welchen Regionen, West Bank etc.., um diese anzugreifen… Daraus ließe sich dann z.B. eine Aktion stricken mit einem Informationsblatt und Anträgen an die Regierung und die Parteien in den jeweiligen Städten wo man zuhause ist, diese Förderung zu stoppen, solange Israel nicht die Besatzung aufgibt und bedingungslos an Verhandlungen teilnimmt…. Und dann jeweils aktuell zu den Produkten und Produzenten oder Vertreibern.





II Waffenhilfe
Sie ist mit Sicherheit der erheblichste Posten bei den Finanzen und mit unserer Verfassung (Krisengebiete) nicht im Einklang
Was wird gebraucht?
Dossiers zu: z.B. Quantität, Qualität, Verbotenes, zu welchen (unpassenden) Zeiten – gegen welche Prinzipien im internationalen und nationalen Recht verstoßend; daraus ließe sich dann z.B. eine Aktion stricken mit einem Informationsblatt und Anträgen an die Regierung und die Parteien in den jeweiligen Städten wo man zuhause ist, und evtl. Klagen, wenn es dabei um Verstöße gegen Völkerrecht und Verfassung geht.

III Städtepartnerschaften
Städtepartnerschaften sind ein wesentliches Bindeglied zwischen Israel und deutschen Städten, da gibt es Schüleraustausch, Kulturaustausch , besondere Reiseangebote und vieles mehr, das Freundschaften und Verbindlichkeiten schafft – eine scharfe Waffe scheint mir, die man entschärfen müsste.
Was wird gebraucht?
Dossiers zu: z.B. wie viele Partnerschaften es gibt, seit wann, zu welchen Städten – und wie wenige es z.B. zur palästinensischen Seite gibt; ergänzt durch die Information, auf welchem vertriebenen Gebiet die Stadt steht: fast jede wurde auf enteignetem Land errichtet, von den schon 1950 begonnenen sogenannten 30 Neuen Städten sind 23 auf zerstörten palästinensischen Orten gebaut worden oder haben diese (oft vollständig) entvölkert, z.B. Qiryat Shmona, Zefat, Maalot, Kiryat Malaki, Karmiel, Tiberias, Migdal ha Emeq, Afula, Beit Shean, Or Aqiva, Lod, Ramleh, Yafne, Ashdod, Ashkelon, Qiryat Gat, Bet Shemesh, Sderot, Bersheba, Arad, Eilat ..Die sog. binationalen Städte wie Jaffa, Akka und Nazareth haben ihre besondere Unterdrückung und Auseinandersetzung erfahren; Paläst. Bewohner werden wie in der WB diskriminiert, sind von Hauszerstörung und Vertreibung bedroht, indem es keine Baugenehmigungen gibt und hohe Prozente illegaler Wohnbauten z.B. wegen fehlender Masterpläne vorliegen; die Beduinen im Negev trifft es nochmal besonders (siehe Information der 'the fourties')
Letztlich hat jede Stadt so etwas und also kann auch in jeder Stadt etwas geschehen: was ist Inhalt der Partnerschaften, was wurde gemacht, welches Geld wird wofür ausgegeben (Reisen der Ratsleute etc.) – und wie ist die palästinensische Seite berücksichtigt; man kann Anträge für Partnerschaften mit palästinensischen Städten verlangen und einfädeln, Ausstellungen dazu usw., und dies als Kampagne gegenüber dem Städtetag usw. entwickeln; evtl. fordern, die Partnerschafte an Bedingungen zu knüpfen oder aufzugeben. (in Hagen z.B. wurde dies zur Partnerschaft mit Modi’in versucht, so dass es einen Bindung gab)

IV Wissenschaftsförderung
Auf diversen Gebieten, ob in Pädagogik, Geschichtsforschung oder Technologie, gibt es enge Bindungen zwischen den verschiedenen Hochschulen, wobei es auf israelischer Seite sicher Unterschiede gibt, was ‚Liberalität‘ und ‚Hardlinertum‘ angeht (Ber Sheba, Technion Haifa…) Es wäre notwendig, darüber ein Bild zu bekommen und den akademischen Boykott zu bewerben wie es in England schon seit langem geschieht; Boykott dieser Beziehungen, wenn es von den Inhalten schon unmoralisch scheint; es gibt daneben 11 Hochschulen in den besetzten Gebiete, die selten in Partnerschaften sind, (wie z.B. Dortmund mit Birzeit ) fast jeder zweite Student war dort schon mal in israelischen Gefängnissen inhaftiert; palästinensischen Hochschullehrern mit ausländischem Pass wird oft die Einreise nach den Semesterferien (z.B. wenn sie aus den USA, kommen) verweigert etc.
Aktivitäten jeder kritischen Hochschulgruppe, etwa zum gleichen Zeitpunkt wäre denkbar als Kampagne, die diese Zusammenhänge herausfinden und thematisieren kann, (wie die Aktion Militärfreie Hochschule in Köln, auch um Kassel nicht allein zu lassen)
Was wird gebraucht?
Dossiers zu: z.B. Summe aller Hochschulpartnerschaften, mit einer Analyse der Schwerpunkte, der Gelder, die hineingehen und der Vergleich mit palästinensischen Hochschul-Partnerschaften, Gelder dafür kommen meistens vom DAAD.
Eine gemeinsame Kampagne könnte sich auch an den DAAD richten und Änderungen und/oder Aktivitäten mit den palästinensischen Hochschulen einfordern. Man kann mit diesen und palästinensischen Studentengruppen hier zusammenarbeiten und Konzepte erarbeiten; die aktuellen Initiativen in Israel, nicht in israelischen West Bank Hochschulen zu lehren, gehört inzwischen als notwendige Kenntnis dazu.

V Tourismusförderung
Der Tourismus ist auf jeden Fall ein aktueller Schwerpunkt der bundesdeutschen Förderung und ein Mittel der ideologischen Untermauerung: das Land ist schön, Urlaub macht freundlich, man trifft freundliche Menschen, vielleicht Freunde; auch da passt alles Mögliche hinein: die Orte wohin man fährt haben oft palästinensische Wurzeln; die sog. Freizeitparks liegen auf Ruinen der zerstörten 48er Dörfern – und man kann die Ruinen noch erkennen (siehe Dokumentation Route 181); das Pflanzen von Bäumen dient demselben, Vertuschung zerstörter Geschichte und Förderung des Märchens von der begrünten Wüste; es gibt fast nur noch israelische Touristenführer; vor ‚Arabern‘ wird grundsätzlich gewarnt und verhindert, in deren Geschäfte zu gehen;

dagegen liegt der palästinensische Tourismus in Bethlehem und Jerusalem ziemlich brach; es gibt alternative palästinensische Reiseanbieter in der West Bank, die einem ‚insight‘ in die Verhältnisse geben….
Es gäbe viele Seiten zu beleuchten und darauf aufmerksam zu machen – z.B. zu typischen Reisezeiten, Ostern, Weihnachten; gegenüber Reiseveranstaltern und Reisebüros, um den Mythos Israel anzugreifen und auch dies als Kampagne in vielen Städten.
Gebraucht würden Dossiers/Infos zu den diversen genannten Aspekten, Kontakt zu palästinensischen Tourismusgruppen usw..

VI Gewerkschaftsbeziehungen
Der DGB hat fälschlicherweise immer geglaubt, dass die Histadruth ein wunderbarer Partner sei; stark, mit großem Einfluss auf die Regierung – so mächtig möchte man auch mal gewesen sein.... Dass die Histadruth ein Fels des Zionismus war und ist, für ‚jüdische Arbeit‘ sorgt(e) und für ‚jüdischen Wohnungsbau‘ wollte niemand hören. Es wäre gut auch diesen Mythos auf- und anzugreifen, von aktiven Gewerkschaftern, die es in unseren Reihen vielleicht noch gibt.

Wahrscheinlich gibt es noch viel mehr, was in Kampagnen aufgegriffen werden kann, neben den Einzelaktionen zu aktuellen Beteiligen deutscher Firmen an der Aufrechterhaltung der Besatzung. Auch die Medien sollten immer wieder auf ihre einseitige Darstellung, evtl. Geschichtsfälschung (wie die Film-Woche der Heinrich Böll Stiftung und der Protest dazu zeigen) hingewiesen werden – je breiter gestreut und je mehr als Kampagne dann jeweils durchgeführt, umso besser.
Die Kooperation mit palästinensischen Gruppen und israelischen Aktivisten wäre notwendig.
Die anzusprechenden Akteure können viele sein: der Bund, die Kommunen, Hochschulen und Schulen, Kulturveranstalter, Tourismusveranstalter, Gewerkschaften, Firmen …
Die wiederkehrende Veranstaltung des ILI am 10. Mai 2011 zur Staatsgründung wäre etwas, das jetzt gemeinsam in vielen Städten vorbereitet werden müsste! (siehe
http://www.il-israel.org/index.php?idpage=2 - stolz berichtete ili auf dieser Seite dass man bereits 62 Städte in 2010 beglücken konnte.)

Phantasie wäre gefragt, ungewöhnliche Aktionen, Aufkleber, Buttons, Plakate, Künstler beteiligt, dann wäre auch alles nicht so verbissen.
Flash Mob am 10.Mai in allen Städten vor den Rathäusern und Fussgängerzonen?

Dienstag, 11. Januar 2011

13. Siedlungspolitik Israels- Zionist/Israeli Planning: The Fabrication of Israel – V.2 Jerusalem and the Wall



Neue Veröffentlichung! Teil 13 online verfügbar (siehe unten)

THE FABRICATION OF ISRAEL

About the Usurpation and Destruction of Palestine through Zionist Spatial Planning

A Unique Planning Issue

Viktoria Waltz - Herausgeberin - Dortmund 2010 – Eigenverlag


Die hier in loser Folge zur Veröffentlichung vorliegenden Texte geben einen detaillierten Einblick in die Vorgänge, die zum Konstrukt Israel geführt haben und lassen keinen Zweifel daran, dass es unter den bestehenden zionistischen Rahmenbedingungen um nichts geringeres als das Ganze geht, um ein jüdisches Israel ohne Palästinenser und mit keinem Impuls für zwei Staaten, die nebeneinander leben könnten und auch nicht um eine Integration Israels in den Nahen Osten, sondern um die Fortsetzung des aggressiven, zerstörerischen Kurses bis hin zu weiteren Kriegen. (wöchentlich mittwochs online)
V
Killing the Cities - the Example of Jerusalem/Al Quds, Hebron/Al Khalil and Jaffa in Israel
Jamal Amro
2. Destruction of the Palestinian urban Fabric and Landscape in
East Jerusalem after 1967 and the Effects of the Segregation Wall

Conclusion from last chapter (see archive No. 12 Dec.2010):
The peace process did not ease at all a solution for the so-called ‘Jerusalem Question’. On the contrary: Reality shows that the Israeli policy in East Jerusalem is part of the judaising process in whole Palestine, nowadays concentrating on Jerusalem. Israel enforces – and each Israeli government was and is involved - by planning matters the judaising of the Old City, the environment of the Old City and the remaining eastern, northern and southern residential areas of East Palestinian Jerusalem.
The effect of all mentioned projects and measures is an intended substantial change of the historical and the Palestinian character of Jerusalem. They also influence the economy and the future of the East Jerusalem Palestinian society, which substantially depend on tourism, since the relations to the hinterland are cut off. The different activities since the occupation destroyed the central economical basis and tourism.
While the Western (new) City has all the needed means to serve international tourism with parking space, bus connections, guides and tourist information centers, the Eastern (Palestinian) City is deprived more and more from modern tourist infrastructure. Keeping and upgrading the historical landscape, valleys, villages, and the important places for the Muslims and the Christians in the east are facing more and more difficulties and obstacles, while the Jewish defined places receive the most care and attention from the Israeli governed municipality. This is fact even more in the Old City of Jerusalem.
Since the illegal and total closure for Palestinians from the West Bank and Gaza following the peace agreements in Oslo, Jerusalem has lost its existential role for the Palestinian hinterland. The provocation of Sharon and the following outbreak of the Al Aqsa Intifada made tourism completely dead. The political, economic, cultural and social situation of the Palestinian inhabitants of the city, declined dramatically. Moreover, the Palestinians from the West Bank and Gaza region are denied access to basic social institutions like hospitals and schools. The Segregation Wall will complete the total isolation of the Palestinian Jerusalemites and intends to hinder establishing East Palestinian Jerusalem as the Palestinian capital in a Palestinian State. Again the geographical, demographic and cultural usurpation of Jerusalem is part of the long time before planned cleansing program for Palestine and actual since the right wing parties came into power 2008 a 'par force' judaisation is on the way, threatening Palestinians’ history, identity and socio-economic basics. The so called ‘unification’ is understood and cemented by facts and planning as a Jewish unification of Jerusalem, hence part of the cultural genocide already started since last century.
The next section will go deeply to the effects of planning and especially the Segregation Wall in terms of destroying the geographic and demographic continuity of Palestinian Jerusalem.


V
Jamal Amro
2. Destruction of the Palestinian urban Fabric and Landscape in
East Jerusalem after 1967 and the Effects of the Segregation Wall

Jerusalem, as a lively city, has been affected by what has happened since 1967 inside and around it, and thus, its features have changed over the years. This section sheds light on the urban, demographic, and area transformations which have happened in Jerusalem since the Israeli capture of the city, especially since the erection of the Segregation Wall.

2.1 Demographic and Urban Transformations in Jerusalem after 1967
In order to create a state of geographic integrity with cities inside Israel, the boundaries of Jerusalem were extended by annexing more land from the occupied West Bank, almost a two-fold extension compared to the total area of the Jerusalem governorate prior to June 1967. Thus, the current area of occupied Jerusalem governorate amounts to 126,000 dunam based on a rule stressing the annexation of more less populated land along with complete demolition of any Palestinian communities that may threat or obstruct the intended geographic integrity, especially in the western side of the governorate. The demolition and complete depopulation of the three Latroon villages Imwas, Yalu and Beit Nuba has been a live example on the measures Israel has been taking in this respect.
The Israeli illegal measures have not stopped at this point but rather underwent serious acceleration. Namely, the Israeli occupation authorities embarked on knotting a colony belt around Jerusalem as preventive security armour for Jerusalem to be as a first defence line of its borders. This implied the adoption of a more aggressive land confiscation policy by the Israeli government, which targeted thousands of dunam from the Palestinian land under different pretexts. This policy had other dimensions including construction of Israeli colonies on the confiscated land, coupled with a serious obstruction of Palestinian urban expansion and construction growth in nearby areas as well as domination of more land, already explained. In this way, the Israelis achieved the greatest part of their plans and intentions for long years in the future.
Geographically speaking, the boundaries of the occupied city were expanded to an extent that allows the absorption of as much Jewish settlers on colonies as possible. Demographically, less populated Palestinian communities were annexed while stressing the obstruction of any urban growth of the communities. These two urban dimensions have been worsened further by the construction of the segregation wall in 2002 and the colonies belt around Jerusalem. Thus, Israel imposed this reality which received complete Palestinian and international dismissal (Mustafa 2000).
From Israel's viewpoint, it succeeded in surrounding Jerusalem and accomplishing its historic project through illegal administrative regulations and measures, which at the end will lead to imposing its authority on the Palestinian City. This also includes the annexation and domination of the various aspects of living conditions of its Palestinian people via distortions of realities and creation of new realities on the ground. These endeavours are aimed to legitimise its illegal procedures and exclude Palestinian Jerusalem in the text of relevant UN and international resolutions. However, international resolutions and conventions at the top of which Geneva Fourth Convention for 1949 completely reject any change in the status of occupied territories. Thus, articles III - 49 and 53 of Geneva Fourth Convention for 1949 prohibits all practices of the Israeli occupation including demolition, evacuation, depopulation, and endangering the security and lives of the Palestinian citizens under occupation. In addition, world states and UN including Security Council and other international agencies and organisations still deal with Jerusalem as part of the occupied West Bank on which relevant UN resolutions apply (Security Council Resolutions: 242, 252,253,254,267,198 and General Assembly Resolutions 2253, 2254).These Resolutions stress that the international legitimacy deems the annexation of Jerusalem and changing its urban structure illegal; abort the Israeli plans for having Jerusalem as its 'unified capital' and stress the Palestinian identity of Jerusalem which is deeply rooted in the Palestinian history.
Soon after the 1967 war the Israeli government began implementing new measures to change the physical features of the Occupied Territories including Jerusalem, imposing massive Israeli housing colonies, or "facts on the ground," that would be difficult to uproot. We observed that the most significant measures pertaining to East Jerusalem’s urban development were the following:
· The June 27, 1967 Israeli Knesset declaration of the application of Israel law, jurisdiction and administration to East Jerusalem.
· The decision, also issued June 27, that allowed the Interior Minister to increase the area of the Jerusalem municipality, broadening the borders of East Jerusalem to an area of 69,000 dunam. The decision was published in the Official Gazette the very same day. On March 10, 1985, the city's borders were expanded once again to 70,400 dunam, nearly 12 times the area under Jordanian rule. (Dunum = 1,000 m2 or 1 ha).
· The destruction of the Magharbeh (Maghreb) Quarter, which was blasted with dynamite after giving local residents three hours to evacuate their homes. The move literally paved the way for the Israeli government to construct the Wailing Wall Plaza and the Israeli Quarter. The Israelis confiscated 116 dunam of Old City property, including the Magharbeh, Al- Sharaf, Nabi Daood, Al-Maidan, and parts of the Assyrian neighbourhoods. The confiscation included 700 stone buildings (437 workshops and stores, and 1,048 apartments, inhabited by more than 6,000 Palestinians). Prior to 1948, Israelis had owned only 105 of those buildings.
· The dissolution, on June 29, 1967, of the Jerusalem Municipal Council, elected in 1963, the confiscation of its records and properties, and the integration of the council's Palestinian employees with the West (Israeli) Jerusalem municipality. The Jerusalem Mayor, Mr. Rawhi Al-Khatib, was expelled to Jordan on March 7, 1968.
· Confiscation and seizure of Palestinian lands located in the extended municipality borders, as of September 1, 1968. Other areas were subject to "closure" as green areas or military zones (there are four military camps in East Jerusalem, Sheikh Jarrah, Anata, Nabi Ya'cob, Ar-Ram) to be used later for Israeli colonies. Between 1968 and 1991, a total of 23,548 dunam were confiscated in East Jerusalem, equivalent to 33 percent of the total area, to be added to nearly 37,348 dunam outside the zoned areas (green areas, streets, camps, etc.). The majority of this land was reserved for continued urban expansion of Israeli colonies. Teddy Kollek, Jerusalem mayor from 1965-1993, said:
"We decided from the first session of the (expanded) Jerusalem Municipal Council to classify vast areas of lands in East Jerusalem as green zones where construction is banned, and we refused the structural zoning maps presented by Palestinian residents" (Benvenisti 1995). Due to this policy, Palestinians in Jerusalem were left with only 9,504 dunam on which to build and expand.
· Beginning in 1968, the Israeli government began to change the building and housing features of East Jerusalem, erecting 15 colonies inside its borders. In 1999, the 16th illegal colony began on Mount Abu Ghneim, near Bethlehem. The colonies drastically changed the Jewish-Palestinian ratio. In 1967, only a few dozen Israelis lived in East Jerusalem (at Hebrew University and Hadassah Hospital), but by 1998, the figure had reached 156,412 or 48 percent of the city's residents. The colonies were built in strategic locations to prevent the urban expansion and collusion of Palestinian areas, which could become the capital of a Palestinian state. While Israeli colonies were expanding, constraints were imposed on Palestinian construction through zoning schemes and delays in the issuing of building permits. Even when permits were granted, applicants were required to pay enormous sums, ranging from $15,000 - $20,000; such fees constituted nearly half the cost of a first-class independent building on a 200-meter area (excluding the cost of the land).
· Between 1967 and 1993, Palestinian residents could build only 10,492 housing units in East Jerusalem, compared with 44,481 units erected for Israelis. The annual ratio of Jewish-Palestinian construction during this period was 4.4:1. Another contributing factor in this disparity was the fact that Israeli construction was basically state-funded, while Palestinian construction was not.
After 1967, Israeli finance ministers began to sign confiscation orders one after the other, based on The Law of Expropriation for Public Benefit (1950). They also published them in the official newspaper (Official Gazette). Once land was confiscated, its original owners were barred from planting or building on it. New Israeli colonies were then established, preventing the land from ever being returned to its real owners and changing the Palestinian structure and identity of East Jerusalem. 71.7 percent of East Jerusalem land was confiscated from Palestinians primarily from 1968 -1970, so to quickly establish colonies and attract Israeli residents to live in them. ...

11. Siedlungspolitik Israel - Zionist/Israeli Planning: The Fabrication of Israel - IV.5 The Water Issue



Viktoria Waltz
(Editor)

THE FABRICATION OF ISRAEL
About the usurpation and destruction of
Palestine through Zionist spatial planning

A UNIQUE PLANNING ISSUE

Viktoria Waltz - Herausgeberin - Dortmund 2010 – Eigenverlag


Die hier in loser Folge zur Veröffentlichung vorliegenden Texte geben einen detaillierten Einblick in die Vorgänge, die zum Konstrukt Israel geführt haben und lassen keinen Zweifel daran, dass es unter den bestehenden zionistischen Rahmenbedingungen um nichts geringeres als das Ganze geht, um ein jüdisches Israel ohne Palästinenser und mit keinem Impuls für zwei Staaten, die nebeneinander leben könnten und auch nicht um eine Integration Israels in den Nahen Osten, sondern um die Fortsetzung des aggressiven, zerstörerischen Kurses bis hin zu weiteren Kriegen. (wöchentlich mittwochs online)

Jad Isaac, Jane Hilal
IV 5. Water – Another Story of Exploitation of Palestinian and
Arab Resources

Conclusion from last part:
Segregation based on race, ethnic origin and also religion surely does not ensure security and peace. However, when segregation is coupled with severe travel restrictions on a particular people and their goods this definitely breads mistrust, alienation, and more instability and hostility. It is definitely a violation of human rights and international conventions. Walls of concrete, hate, and/or discrimination can not protect nor be a solution. Mobility needs roads and bridges, which inevitably pave the roads of peace.
Next part will deal with the usurpation of the water resources.
IV
Jad Isaac, Jane Hilal
5. Water – Another Story of Exploitation of Palestinian and
Arab Resources

The Zionist slogan of a state 'from the river of Egypt to Euphrates’ (Herzl, 9.10.1888) as quoted in sector II, must also be understood as a demand for water resources from Egypt to Iraq. From the beginning of the project, Zionist planners realised the importance of water to maintain the viability of the Jewish state (Sabbagh 1994:505). Already at the end of the 19th century the Zionist Congress mentioned the importance of water while making the first geographic plans for the Jewish State. Many scientists and politicians assert that the next 'casus belli' in the Middle East will be control and use of water (Amery 1993). If so, the Middle East region carries the potential for conflicts between all the riparian states of the Jordan, Nile, Euphrates and adjacent rivers. The several occupations of south Lebanon can be understood as part of corresponding Israeli strategies. The first part of this section is mainly based on Amery (1993), Eickelpasch (2001), Moss (2006), Dolatyar/Gray (2000).
5.1 Israel's Usurpation Interest on the Arab Water Resources until Today
Besides the coastal aquifer, the main regional water resources are: the Litani River of Lebanon, the Jordan River, the Lake Taberiya, the Yarmouk River of Jordan, the Golan Heights of Syria and the northern, eastern and western aquifer of the West Bank. (see map 1, map 2)
"Almost half of the water currently used in Israel is captured, diverted or pre-empted from its neighbours." (Stauffer 1996:11) Israel understands water as "Israel's vulnerable and fragile source of life" (Amery 1993: 232) showing no respect for the needs, demands and plans of others. Control of the Litani River has long-since been a vision of Zionist planners for establishing a Jewish state “from Sinai to ancient Babylon” (Stauffer 1996: 11). The Zionists first proposed diverting the Litani southward in 1905, because they assumed "the waters of the Jordan basin would be insufficient for the future needs of Palestine." (Amery 1993: 233) Because of its water, it was suggested that the Litani becomes part of the "national Jewish entity" in 1919, but this was rejected by the League of Nations. In 1919, Weizmann, head of the World Zionist Organisation at that time, wrote to the British Prime Minister David Lloyd George that Lebanon was "well-watered" and that the Litani waters were "valueless to the territory north of the proposed frontiers. They can be used beneficially in the country much further south." He concluded the Litani was "essential to the future of the Jewish national home." (Weisgal 1977: 267) However, the Litani became part of Lebanon (Soffer 1994: 966-7).
The 1920 San Remo accord, which decided on the former territories of the Ottoman Turkish Empire and designed the 'new map' of the region, did not respect the Zionist demands on water. The northern border especially was not satisfying to Jewish strategists. Hence, Weizman - later president of Israel - commented to the British Foreign Secretary, Lord Curzon: “the draft accord France proposed not only separates Palestine from the Litani River, but also deprives Palestine from the Jordan River sources, the east coast of the Lake Taberiya and all the Yarmouk valley north of the Sykes-Picot line. I am quite sure you are aware of the expected bad future the Jewish national home would face when that proposal is carried out. You also know the great importance of the Litani River, the Jordan River with its tributaries, and the Yarmouk River for Palestine.' (Dolatyar 1993)
Strong Jewish interests in the Litani were also expressed at the time of the Second World War. Ben-Gurion, Israel's first prime minister suggested the inclusion of the Litani into the Jewish state. The 1941 international commission to whom this was suggested recommended that seven-eighths of the Litani be "leased to Israel." (Amery 1996: 233) However, on this occasion as well Israel could not achieve its objectives. Hence, access to water remained a fundamental object of crisis between the Arab neighbours and the state of Israel after 1948. ...