Neue Veröffentlichung! Teil 6 online verfügbar (siehe unten)
THE FABRICATION OF ISRAEL
About the Usurpation and Destruction of Palestine through Zionist Spatial Planning
A Unique Planning Issue
Viktoria Waltz - Herausgeberin - Dortmund 2010 – Eigenverlag
Die hier in loser Folge zur Veröffentlichung vorliegenden Texte geben einen detaillierten Einblick in die Vorgänge, die zum Konstrukt Israel geführt haben und lassen keinen Zweifel daran, dass es unter den bestehenden zionistischen Rahmenbedingungen um nichts geringeres als das Ganze geht, um ein jüdisches Israel ohne Palästinenser und mit keinem Impuls für zwei Staaten, die nebeneinander leben könnten und auch nicht um eine Integration Israels in den Nahen Osten, sondern um die Fortsetzung des aggressiven, zerstörerischen Kurses bis hin zu weiteren Kriegen. (wöchentlich mittwochs online)
Part 6
Part 6
4. The Impact of Israeli Urban Policies on the Development of Indigenous Bedouin Community in the Negev Area – the Unrecognised Villages
.... With regard to housing conditions in Tayibe/Israel, analysis indicated that issues of overcrowding (houses per dunam), highly dense residence (number of people per room) and unauthorised houses phenomenon in the city are even more severe in light of the statistics. This means that there appears to be no alternative for Tayibe’s citizens to extricate themselves from severe housing and land shortage, but to build their houses either without compliance with planning regulations inside the legal (approved) residential zones or outside permitted residential zones in their own agricultural land (that is adjacent to the legal residential zones). The consequences of such understandable and known behaviour (by residents) are too great and the uncertainties too high for such actions. Demolition is the most feasible action perpetuated by planning authorities. Demolition of unauthorised, of 'illegal', of informal houses is clearly not the solution especially for the poor and landless. Demolition only serves to reduce the supply of housing and raise rents.
The provision of housing and dwelling units in the city lags behind demand, and housing conditions continue to worsen as a result of vigorous latent demographic revolution, formal and informal discriminative social and economic and political conditions and ethnic affiliation. These factors have created a multidimensional demand for housing. New generations will come, new children will be born and new young couples will get married. All will enter the housing market and look for a decent shelter, competing with each other in: a shrinkage land market, inhospitable and not transparent planning regulations, high prices of building materials, low and discriminative government residential aids and loans, high daily-fees of manpower, relatively low construction skills of households, diminishing traditional financial resources – especially among the weaker families. It is clear that these aspects are the key issues for housing provision in Tayibe.
The high level of housing issues and shortage can be explained by the lack of governmental attention and lack of empirical studies in dealing with housing developments in Israeli Palestinian localities. Accordingly, policies implemented in Tayibe and other Israeli Palestinian localities widened the gaps between supply and demands... Necessary are: Improving economic conditions of housing development, Provision of land and land configuration, Provision of transparent building regulations.
III
Kassem Egbaria
4. The Impact of Israeli Urban Policies on the Development of Indigenous Bedouin Community in the Negev Area – the Unrecognised Villages
The Negev (Al-Naqab in Arabic) region constitutes about two-thirds of the land of the state of Israel (about 13,310 km2), however it hosts less than 9% of its 7.4 million populations (CBS, 2009). Prior to the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948, indigenous Palestinian Bedouins community constituted the vast majority of the population of the Negev numbering about 80,000-90,000 people, and spreading over nearly 10,000-12,000 km2. After the declaration of the Israeli State, only about 13,000-15,000 Bedouins were left there, and the others were expelled or left to neighbouring countries such as Jordan and Egypt. Furthermore, most (about 98%) of the land that was used and owned by the Bedouin community has been expropriated by the Israeli government and transferred to the state for the establishment of new Jewish urban and rural areas. This has been implemented through a policy of confining the Bedouin community to a tight geographical area of approximately 1,000 square kilometers, in the eastern less fertile part of the Negev-Naqab, which was called the "Sayag" area (for distribution of locations, see Map 1) in the early 1950s after ethnic cleansing in 1948 (Yiftachel 2006: 193 pp, OHCHR 2009).
The main argument of this study is that the present Israeli planning system has failed to provide a decent house that includes all basic services and provides certainty and sustainability. The main objective of this paper is to examine the phenomenon of unrecognised and 'illegal' residential areas and the factors that brought it about, and to suggest relevant recommendations and guidelines for policy makers to improve the residential environment in these areas with the principle of sustainability, equality and certainty.
The main goal of this paper is to present the consequences of the Israeli urban planning policies derived from geo-political visions and demographic obsession via examining major urban concepts in the unrecognised villages. Concepts such as land in the Negev, demographic shifts, socio-economic aspects, infrastructure network and 'illegal' settlements will be studied. The analysis of these concepts was based on analysing the Israeli national and district plans. In addition, data was collected from reports of governmental departments such as the Israeli Land Authority, the Ministry of Interior and the Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS). The results indicated that households of 'illegal' houses in unrecognised Palestinian villages in Israel know that they are intentionally violating building laws via building houses in their agricultural lands without permits since this community lacks appropriate urban and residential frameworks to resolve their needs.
It has been found that planning policy especially in the Negev has originated from geo-political perspectives of the state, that is to judaise the space through owning and controlling the land as well as establishing new Jewish villages and cities for new Jewish immigrants who come from abroad. Undoubtedly, the phenomenon of this unrecognised indigenous Palestinian ethnic minority group in has witnessed some progress in some aspects of urban life since the establishment of the state in 1948. Nevertheless, this large segment of population is ranked in the lowest rung of the socio-economic ladder, and suffers from pervasive institutional discriminative policies and unfair distribution of the national resources. The phenomenon of unrecognised ('illegal') Bedouin villages in the Negev, which are not included in any Israeli national strategic plan is a reflection of unfair, poor and inappropriate urban planning system imposed by Israeli governments on the Palestinian areas in Israel (see III 2).
Vollartikel online unter
http://www.palaestina-portal.eu/Waltz/6englbedouinsfinal_s-108_122.pdf
