Dienstag, 30. November 2010

7. Siedlungspolitik Israel - Zionist/Israeli Planning: The Fabrication of Israel IV.1 The 67 Occupation…




Neue Veröffentlichung! Teil 7 online verfügbar (siehe unten)

THE FABRICATION OF ISRAEL

About the Usurpation and Destruction of Palestine through Zionist Spatial Planning

A Unique Planning Issue

Viktoria Waltz - Herausgeberin - Dortmund 2010 – Eigenverlag



Die hier in loser Folge zur Veröffentlichung vorliegenden Texte geben einen detaillierten Einblick in die Vorgänge, die zum Konstrukt Israel geführt haben und lassen keinen Zweifel daran, dass es unter den bestehenden zionistischen Rahmenbedingungen um nichts geringeres als das Ganze geht, um ein jüdisches Israel ohne Palästinenser und mit keinem Impuls für zwei Staaten, die nebeneinander leben könnten und auch nicht um eine Integration Israels in den Nahen Osten, sondern um die Fortsetzung des aggressiven, zerstörerischen Kurses bis hin zu weiteren Kriegen. (wöchentlich mittwochs online)

Part 7
IV
Further Devastation and Destruction - Judaizing the West Bank and the Gaza Strip after the Occupation 1967

Conlusion from Chapter III:
The year of 1948, the foundation of the Jewish State of Israel in new frontlines did not set an end to usurpation of the Palestinian land - it was but a starting point for more and more expropriation and expulsion. After all - with British and finally international support - the Zionist leaders succeeded in having a state in Palestine and even a larger area than the UN had proposed to them.
The state was founded on a dangerous Jewish nationalism, a racist ideology which backed a fateful ethnic cleansing of the Non Jewish Palestinians and expulsion of half of the indigenous people. However, more than 150.000 Palestinians remained in the country, at that time still forming one quarter of all inhabitants.
The usurpation of Palestine was not complete in terms of property and ownership; and finally in terms of land use it was not even Jewish: the majority of the Jewish immigrants concentrated living in the cities of the coast. Consequently, the Zionist leadership pulled out all steps useful for judaising the land: extreme expropriation by laws and regulations; systematic Jewish immigration and distribution of Jewish people; imposing all kinds of restrictions and discrimination to the Palestinians. Spatial planning played a crucial role. Beside a framework of expropriation and annexation instruments national, regional, district and local plans became essential tools for judaising and colonising the land of the Palestinians in a very short time. ...
The most important steps killing the Palestinian existence in Israel to the utmost were ... the implementation of the national plan for the distribution of Jewish immigrants, the program of 30 new cities and the immediate expropriation of the so called absentees, the Palestinian refugees. The Palestinian land property shrank from 93-94 percent in 1948 to less than 3 percent of the total to date....Hence Palestinians ... have become a marginal minority in terms of political power, economic importance and social influence. Israel is the Jewish State.
The war of 1967 and the occupation of the West Bank including East Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip was the initial step for further colonization ....
The following section will investigate how Zionist ideology and strategic planning, was implemented within the new frontiers – also war might become a regular tool within further colonization. (look at Archiv Nov.2010)

IV
Further Devastation and Destruction - Judaizing the West Bank and the Gaza Strip after the Occupation 1967
At the end of the sixties, Israel had finished main issues of colonisation within the 48 borders: the Palestinians were a minority under control and more than 90% of their land was judaised. However, ‘Israel in Palestine’ was not complete and the Jewish State an amputee in sense of before 48 Mandate borders and the ‘promised’ land by the British. Furthermore, the important water resources, the northern and the southern aquifer were still under Palestinian control.
It was shown in the previous sectors that the military conquest of the West Bank and the Gaza Region was the logic consequence of Zionist policy from its very beginning. Most important aim of the 67 war was to reach control over the Jordan valley, the water resources (see section IV5) and finally East Jerusalem with the Old City including the ‘Wailing Wall’. The occupation made the Zionist vision of a complete Jewish country in Mandate borders possible. Only 'obstacle' was the Palestinian people on that land.
Planning tools were already approved: ‘waving a net of colonies, acquiring wide stretches of land, stretching strong ropes between the pegs’ and so on was the already used colonial ‘planning kit’. The same expropriation practice and land robbing like in Israel after 1948 was carried out. The destruction and colonisation process started again with a census. The Zionist movement, in form of the World Zionist Organisation (WZO) became again the driving force behind the usurpation process. How this happened is the matter of the following section.
Waltz will begin with an overview and summary of the main usurpation steps and special planning tactics, Jordan planning law had to be added. Isaac will follow up with details after Oslo and investigate the effects of the segregation wall. Gaza, what has been left by Israel in 2005 will be reviewed (Isaac/Waltz) as an example for Israel's high ambitions on the one hand and pragmatic retreat from the battle field on the other hand if necessary. Finally two aspects will be touched: transportation (Awadallah/Atrash) and water (Isaac/Waltz).
The following section aims to give an overview. Main steps are presented; method again is the review of results and interpretation of the driving forces, hence planning methods and instruments.
Viktoria Waltz
1. General Planning Strategies and Executed Policies after Usurping
West Bank and Gaza Region - Short Overview
West Bank and Gaza were pure Palestinian areas before 1967 under Jordanian and Egyptian governance. The population living in villages, cities and refugee camps earned more or less sufficiently their living with farming. The West Bank was serving Jordan with vegetables, fruits and crops; the ‘Jerusalem stone’ a favourite building material was exported to the Arab neighboured countries.
Jordan as well as Egypt had not done much for developing infrastructure. Roads, water pipes and electricity net were in poor condition. Social services, hospitals, schools, kindergarten were developed on a small level. Who could afford used private institutions – a tradition in Palestine. Who wanted a better and safe living for the family went out of the country to work or study in neighbouring states, the US or Europe. Thousands of Palestinians earned their living in the Gulf States and elsewhere, inspiring novels and poems about being exiled (Kanafani 1984).
When Israel occupied the West Bank and Gaza, life, especially mobility deteriorated again and Palestinians faced immediately what happened to many of them in 47- 49 during the first ethnic cleansing: expulsion, census, expropriation, restrictions of life in many directions. Same regulations and laws as before were used to expropriate land and extend Jewish colonies (see IV.1). A census declared people on their land as inhabitants and those, who had left their properties even only for a while were defined ‘absentees’ and their land fell for expropriation. Consequently, until the beginning of the so called peace process Israel authorities had already confiscated in the West Bank 79% of the land. From this
· 44% was taken for ‚military purposes ‘,
· 20% for ‚safety reasons’ ,
· 12% for ‚public purposes ‘ (e.g. green and recreation areas according to town planning acts), as well as
· 12% as land of the ‘absentees’.
(Coon, 1992)

In addition to the Israeli law the Jordanian Planning Law of 1966 was usurped and ‘integrated’ into Israel’s military order system and managed to serve Israeli interest of changing the map. Al Haq revealed 1986 about Israeli planning strategies in the West Bank in detail the crucial mechanism of this new strategy (Al Haq 1986). Through military order 418 e.g., the 'Order Concerning Town, Village and Building Planning’ of 1971, transferred the planning task of the Higher Planning Council under Jordanian Minister of Interior simply to the Israeli Military Administration. The person in charge was then an Israeli officer managing ‘interior affairs’. ...

Volltext online siehe:

http://www.palaestina-portal.eu/Waltz/7englgeneral67policy124-129.pdf

Freitag, 26. November 2010

The Fabrication of Israel: Jaffa-Manshiyya (المنشية) - produced by Zochrot part 1



Dieser Film ergänzt auf traurige Weise

The Fabrication of Israel

siehe den Beitrag auf den Seiten 243-256 , link siehe unten

Chapter V
Viktoria Waltz
V.4 The Usurpation of Ancient Jaffa – Judaised and Changed into‘Tel Aviv's Old City
siehe nächste Folgen, aktuell online unter:
http://www.palaestina-portal.eu/Waltz/15engV-5%20Jaffa_s243-255.pdf

The Fabrication of Israel: Jaffa-Manshiyya (المنشية) -al Ajami-produced by Zochrot part 2



Dieses Video illustriert auf dramatische Weise den Prozess der

Fabrication of Israel

siehe dazu auch Chapter V

Viktoria Waltz
4.
The Usurpation of Ancient Jaffa – Judaised and Changed into
‘Tel Aviv's Old City‘


Seiten 243-256, aktuell online auf
http://www.palaestina-portal.eu/Waltz/15engV-5%20Jaffa_s243-255.pdf

Mittwoch, 24. November 2010

6. Siedlungspolitik Israel - Zionist-Israeli Planning: The Fabrication of Israel III.4 The "Unrecognised...".


Neue Veröffentlichung! Teil 6 online verfügbar (siehe unten)

THE FABRICATION OF ISRAEL

About the Usurpation and Destruction of Palestine through Zionist Spatial Planning

A Unique Planning Issue

Viktoria Waltz - Herausgeberin - Dortmund 2010 – Eigenverlag

Die hier in loser Folge zur Veröffentlichung vorliegenden Texte geben einen detaillierten Einblick in die Vorgänge, die zum Konstrukt Israel geführt haben und lassen keinen Zweifel daran, dass es unter den bestehenden zionistischen Rahmenbedingungen um nichts geringeres als das Ganze geht, um ein jüdisches Israel ohne Palästinenser und mit keinem Impuls für zwei Staaten, die nebeneinander leben könnten und auch nicht um eine Integration Israels in den Nahen Osten, sondern um die Fortsetzung des aggressiven, zerstörerischen Kurses bis hin zu weiteren Kriegen. (wöchentlich mittwochs online)

Part 6
4. The Impact of Israeli Urban Policies on the Development of Indigenous Bedouin Community in the Negev Area – the Unrecognised Villages

Conclusion from last part:
.... With regard to housing conditions in Tayibe/Israel, analysis indicated that issues of overcrowding (houses per dunam), highly dense residence (number of people per room) and unauthorised houses phenomenon in the city are even more severe in light of the statistics. This means that there appears to be no alternative for Tayibe’s citizens to extricate themselves from severe housing and land shortage, but to build their houses either without compliance with planning regulations inside the legal (approved) residential zones or outside permitted residential zones in their own agricultural land (that is adjacent to the legal residential zones). The consequences of such understandable and known behaviour (by residents) are too great and the uncertainties too high for such actions. Demolition is the most feasible action perpetuated by planning authorities. Demolition of unauthorised, of 'illegal', of informal houses is clearly not the solution especially for the poor and landless. Demolition only serves to reduce the supply of housing and raise rents.
The provision of housing and dwelling units in the city lags behind demand, and housing conditions continue to worsen as a result of vigorous latent demographic revolution, formal and informal discriminative social and economic and political conditions and ethnic affiliation. These factors have created a multidimensional demand for housing. New generations will come, new children will be born and new young couples will get married. All will enter the housing market and look for a decent shelter, competing with each other in: a shrinkage land market, inhospitable and not transparent planning regulations, high prices of building materials, low and discriminative government residential aids and loans, high daily-fees of manpower, relatively low construction skills of households, diminishing traditional financial resources – especially among the weaker families. It is clear that these aspects are the key issues for housing provision in Tayibe.
The high level of housing issues and shortage can be explained by the lack of governmental attention and lack of empirical studies in dealing with housing developments in Israeli Palestinian localities. Accordingly, policies implemented in Tayibe and other Israeli Palestinian localities widened the gaps between supply and demands... Necessary are: Improving economic conditions of housing development, Provision of land and land configuration, Provision of transparent building regulations.

III
Kassem Egbaria
4. The Impact of Israeli Urban Policies on the Development of Indigenous
Bedouin Community in the Negev Area – the Unrecognised Villages

The Negev (Al-Naqab in Arabic) region constitutes about two-thirds of the land of the state of Israel (about 13,310 km2), however it hosts less than 9% of its 7.4 million populations (CBS, 2009). Prior to the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948, indigenous Palestinian Bedouins community constituted the vast majority of the population of the Negev numbering about 80,000-90,000 people, and spreading over nearly 10,000-12,000 km2. After the declaration of the Israeli State, only about 13,000-15,000 Bedouins were left there, and the others were expelled or left to neighbouring countries such as Jordan and Egypt. Furthermore, most (about 98%) of the land that was used and owned by the Bedouin community has been expropriated by the Israeli government and transferred to the state for the establishment of new Jewish urban and rural areas. This has been implemented through a policy of confining the Bedouin community to a tight geographical area of approximately 1,000 square kilometers, in the eastern less fertile part of the Negev-Naqab, which was called the "Sayag" area (for distribution of locations, see Map 1) in the early 1950s after ethnic cleansing in 1948 (Yiftachel 2006: 193 pp, OHCHR 2009).

The main argument of this study is that the present Israeli planning system has failed to provide a decent house that includes all basic services and provides certainty and sustainability. The main objective of this paper is to examine the phenomenon of unrecognised and 'illegal' residential areas and the factors that brought it about, and to suggest relevant recommendations and guidelines for policy makers to improve the residential environment in these areas with the principle of sustainability, equality and certainty.
The main goal of this paper is to present the consequences of the Israeli urban planning policies derived from geo-political visions and demographic obsession via examining major urban concepts in the unrecognised villages. Concepts such as land in the Negev, demographic shifts, socio-economic aspects, infrastructure network and 'illegal' settlements will be studied. The analysis of these concepts was based on analysing the Israeli national and district plans. In addition, data was collected from reports of governmental departments such as the Israeli Land Authority, the Ministry of Interior and the Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS). The results indicated that households of 'illegal' houses in unrecognised Palestinian villages in Israel know that they are intentionally violating building laws via building houses in their agricultural lands without permits since this community lacks appropriate urban and residential frameworks to resolve their needs.
It has been found that planning policy especially in the Negev has originated from geo-political perspectives of the state, that is to judaise the space through owning and controlling the land as well as establishing new Jewish villages and cities for new Jewish immigrants who come from abroad. Undoubtedly, the phenomenon of this unrecognised indigenous Palestinian ethnic minority group in has witnessed some progress in some aspects of urban life since the establishment of the state in 1948. Nevertheless, this large segment of population is ranked in the lowest rung of the socio-economic ladder, and suffers from pervasive institutional discriminative policies and unfair distribution of the national resources. The phenomenon of unrecognised ('illegal') Bedouin villages in the Negev, which are not included in any Israeli national strategic plan is a reflection of unfair, poor and inappropriate urban planning system imposed by Israeli governments on the Palestinian areas in Israel (see III 2).
Vollartikel online unter
http://www.palaestina-portal.eu/Waltz/6englbedouinsfinal_s-108_122.pdf

Freitag, 19. November 2010

5. Siedlungspolitik Israel - Zionist-Israeli Planning: The Fabrication of Israel III.3 Discriminative Housing Policy



Neue Veröffentlichung! Teil 5 online verfügbar (siehe unten)

THE FABRICATION OF ISRAEL

About the Usurpation and Destruction of Palestine through Zionist Spatial Planning

A Unique Planning Issue

Viktoria Waltz - Herausgeberin - Dortmund 2010 – Eigenverlag


Die hier in loser Folge zur Veröffentlichung vorliegenden Texte geben einen detaillierten Einblick in die Vorgänge, die zum Konstrukt Israel geführt haben und lassen keinen Zweifel daran, dass es unter den bestehenden zionistischen Rahmenbedingungen um nichts geringeres als das Ganze geht, um ein jüdisches Israel ohne Palästinenser und mit keinem Impuls für zwei Staaten, die nebeneinander leben könnten und auch nicht um eine Integration Israels in den Nahen Osten, sondern um die Fortsetzung des aggressiven, zerstörerischen Kurses bis hin zu weiteren Kriegen. (wöchentlich mittwochs online)
Kassem Egbaria
3. Discriminative Housing Policy in Israel's Palestinian localities:
The Example of Tayibe
from last part 4 (see blog/archiv Nov. 2010):
... The development of the physical planning of the Palestinian Arab sector is guided by the geopolitical views and ideological considerations of the planning authorities, aiming to promote Zionist ideology and enhance Jewish immigration and settlement. Fear of being surrounded by Palestinian villages and towns was the primary factor influencing the physical development of Jewish colonies; consequently, this affected all Palestinian localities.
Furthermore, control over land was also achieved by expropriating land from Palestinian residents and transferring it to the state for the establishment of new Jewish colonies, or the development of national and regional infrastructure networks. This transfer was carried out gradually and systematically from the earliest days of the state, and has resulted in decreasing the space available to Palestinian localities.
Accordingly, it is obvious that the expropriated private land owned by Palestinian residents as a matter of fact constituted the Israeli urban and rural development. On the other hand Palestinian citizens suffered from the fact that very little public land was devoted to the development of their community, whether in urban or rural areas. In addition, Israeli Palestinian citizens have very limited possibilities to own or use Israeli public land due to a series of discriminatory laws and practices. ...
It becomes clear that existing spatial planning in Israel harms the Palestinian citizens in all aspects of life. Certainly, such policies can create very strong feelings of frustration and alienation. Land and questions about control of land are the main issues of the dispute between the Palestinian citizens and the governmental institutions. Allocating space and land on an equal basis regardless of ethnic belonging might solve the problems of spatial development of Palestinian citizens. Thus, it becomes clear that the problem is not easy to be solved, since the Israeli territorial planning is an issue of ‘ethnocracy’. For this reason, a policy debate on land allocation, land ownership, municipal boundaries, land confiscation and settlement patterns is urgently needed – against and in opposition to the announced policy of ‘transfer’ (of the Palestinians) of some members of the recent Israeli government. Comprehensive institutionalised spatial planning covering all aspects of inequality in the allocation of spatial resources might be the first step to creating a more equitable situation for Palestinian and Jewish communities. Certainly, such a framework would not only improve the socio-economic situation of the Palestinian residents, but will also enhance the solidity of the state and serve as evidence of a real change to a democratic character of the State of Israel.
Kassem Egbaria
3. Discriminative Housing Policy in Israel's Palestinian localities:
The Example of Tayibe
Israel is a country of a widely diverse population from many ethnic, religious, cultural and social backgrounds. Of its 7.411 inhabitants, 5.472 million Jews (including 187.000 living in West Bank colonies, 20.000 in Golan Heights and around 177.000 in East (Palestinian) Jerusalem). According to the Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS, 2009), 'Arabs' in Israel comprise about 20,6% of the overall population. Almost all Palestinians have been resident since before the establishment of the State of Israel. The Palestinians in Israel are mainly concentrated in three geographical regions that include; the Galilee, Triangle and Negev regions.
Israel is a welfare state that views the development of housing for its citizens as a major goal within which all social and ethnic groups should have an easy access to housing market mainly through offering subsidised mortgages and land provision and other aspects that help in the process of housing supply. It is argued that in contradiction to that, the combination of urban factors such as demographic growth, lack of development/master plans; land expropriation applied by the state; rigid building and planning regulations; lack of an appropriate housing finance system; limited land market; and discriminative government social policies contributed to the decline of housing provision (supply) in the Palestinian areas in Israel. ...

Dienstag, 9. November 2010

4. Siedlungspolitik Israel . Zionist-Israeli Planning: The Fabrication of Israel III.2 The Israeli Planning System



Teil 4 online verfügbar (siehe unten)

THE FABRICATION OF ISRAEL

About the Usurpation and Destruction of Palestine through Zionist Spatial Planning

A Unique Planning Issue

Viktoria Waltz - Herausgeberin - Dortmund 2010 Eigenverlag

Die hier in loser Folge zu veröffentlichenden vorliegenden Texte geben einen detaillierten Einblick in die Vorgänge, die zum Konstrukt Israel geführt haben und lassen keinen geringen Zweifel mehr daran, dass es unter den bestehenden zionistischen Rahmenbedingungen um nichts geringeres als das Ganze geht, um ein jüdisches Israel ohne Palästinenser und mit keinem Impuls für zwei Staaten, die nebeneinander leben könnten und auch nicht um eine Integration Israels in den Nahen Osten, sondern die Fortsetzung des aggressiven, zerstörerischen Kurses bis hin zu weiteren Kriegen. (wöchentlich wittwochs online)

III

Kassem Egbaria
2. Two Spatial Systems for one Land: Spatial Inequality in the Development of Palestinian Communities and the Actual Need for Equity

Conclusion from last part 3 (look at Blog Archiv Oct/Nov 2010)
At the end of the sixties, approximately 800 rural colonies and 30 New Cities had built a network of Jewish majority all over Israel as planned. The infrastructure from electricity, communication or water was established through all modes of international help, big part of it through the German compensation program (Wiedergutmachung) (Lewan 1984). Within less than 20 years Palestine in the 48 borders was turned into ‘Israeli (Jewish) Territory’. A new map was fabricated, what was former Palestinian was turned upside down into new Jewish reality.
However, the colonisation planning and policy fabricating a new, mostly Jewish space could not hinder a growing Palestinian presence. The Palestinian communities - though under military command - increased too, still forming majorities in three main areas: the Galilee, the Triangle and the Negev. Consequently, from Israeli point of view the fight for an exclusive ‘Jewish homeland’ on the land of Palestine was not yet finished. Israel had not yet achieved to be pure Jewish and had not yet achieved the 'promised land' of Lord Balfour ‘from the coast to the river’. Consequently Israel started a war to reach new borders. And also in Israel expropriation and destruction policy did not come to a halt in the Palestinian areas and continues to be so today.
However, for the Palestinians the usurpation policy had already a crucial effect in Israel: until 1967 the Palestinian space was sharply reduced to less than 10 percent of the land, the living areas were neglected in all plans. The Galilee was divided into 30 sub- zones. These were executed ‘residence’ borders. No Palestinian could leave or move to other zones without permission of the military governor. The Bedouins of the Negev were allowed to move only within the boundaries of Beersheba (Bir Saba). They had to live in reservation camps, which prevented them more and more from their main bases of life, the pasture land and livestock. Moreover, in later programs they were forced to settle in special Bedouin villages - their freedom of movement had been anyway limited to nearly zero (see next chapters).
To conclude, under Israeli Zionist rule the Palestinian land was turned into Jewish/Israeli to an utmost level. The Palestinian communities suffered from restriction of mobility, spatial, social, cultural and economic development. Military governance was not lifted before 1966, just before a new war. Discrimination and racist plans in the Israeli leadership still followed the same aims of restricting living conditions, expulsion and expropriation (Koenig’s Report 1976). These policies prevented the Palestinians in Israel until today from equity in a 'democratic system' and equal development chances as Egbaria will show as a special ethnocratic system in the following chapters.

III
Kassem Egbaria
2. Two Spatial Systems for one Land: Spatial Inequality in the Development of Palestinian Communities and the Actual Need for Equity

The national spatial planning system in Israel, which is the main vehicle of space development, allocates land areas within which local, regional and national authorities can develop socio-economic and environmental projects, as well as open spaces. The term spatial planning in the state of Israel refers to the allocation, management and use of land in planning processes. The Israeli spatial planning system, which guides the process of allocating land for urban and rural development, operates under a centralised framework (top-down approach), i.e., the higher tier, the National Commission, obligates the lower ones, the District and Local Commissions, (Sharkansky, 1997; Fenster, 1996). Without such plans, no buildings can be approved, and no state services such as water, electricity and telephone are provided.
According to Alterman (1994) and Yiftachel (1995), the Israeli spatial planning system is divided into two principal branches: developmental/initiative and procedural/regulative. The main goal of the former is to develop and promote sustainable patterns of land use, roads, open spaces and forests across the country. However, the procedural/regulative system (i.e., zoning plans of various scales) functions according to the Planning and Building Law of 1965. It mainly operates under the auspices of the Israeli Ministry of Interior to develop national, regional and local, spatial master/outline plans. This branch is characterised by a hierarchical and centralised structure, with virtually no input from the communities who need and are affected by the plans. Khamaisi (2004) argues that Jewish citizens experience both branches of spatial planning, while Palestinian residents in Israel primarily experience the procedural branch of planning. (Even though they are Palestinians for the use of official Israeli statistics we have to use the official Israeli term, Arabs. Otherwise, we will use the term Palestinians). ...

Full text, Volltext look at: http://www.palaestina-portal.eu/Waltz/4engIplanningsystem_s_64-82.pdf

Dienstag, 2. November 2010

3. Siedlungspolitik Israel - Zionist-Israeli Planning: The Fabrication of Israel III.1 1948-1967 General Judaising Planning Steps



Neue Veröffentlichung! Teil 3 online verfügbar (siehe unten)

THE FABRICATION OF ISRAEL

About the Usurpation and Destruction of Palestine through Zionist Spatial Planning

A Unique Planning Issue

Viktoria Waltz - Herausgeberin - Dortmund 2010 - Eigenverlag

Die hier in loser Folge zur Veröffentlichung vorliegenden Texte geben einen detaillierten Einblick in die Vorgänge, die zum Konstrukt Israel geführt haben und lassen keinen Zweifel daran, dass es unter den bestehenden zionistischen Rahmenbedingungen um nichts geringeres als das Ganze geht, um ein jüdisches Israel ohne Palästinenser und mit keinem Impuls für zwei Staaten, die nebeneinander leben könnten und auch nicht um eine Integration Israels in den Nahen Osten, sondern um die Fortsetzung des aggressiven, zerstörerischen Kurses bis hin zu weiteren Kriegen. (wöchentlich mittwochs online)
Viktoria Waltz
(Editor)

Part 3

Planning in Israel – from Fostering the Jewish Character of Israel to an Ethnocratic Planning System

Conclusion from the last part (2) (look at Blog Archive Okt. 2010) :
It took the Zionist Movement 40 years and a war from the First Zionist Congress in Basle to reach the international ‘ok’ for establishing the Jewish State in big parts of Palestine. The disaster in Europe helped. Planning tools like town planning, master plans, development plans and property laws in addition to money and international policies helped the Zionists to extend the spatial vision of Herzl as far as possible until 1948. The process was planned; land purchases were done strategically and purposefully. Part of the Jewish world and the British Mandate supported it since the end of the Ottoman Empire. Sophisticated regional and local planning policy and strategic thinking made the fabrication of a Jewish state in Palestine possible. It was done first of all by grabbing Palestinian property through planning measures, but also using force. However, the fabrication of Israel was a colonial project from the beginning of the idea – and a settler state by reality, according to what Rodinson stated (Rodinson 1967).
The proclamation of the state on 15th May 1948 did not complete the original plan, it was not established on the whole Mandate area promised to them by Balfour. Only 6-7% of Jewish land ownership existed on around 70% of the Palestinian land on that day. The Jewish population settled mainly at the coast. About 150.000 Palestinians living in about 100 villages and small cities were still existent within Israel’s ‘borders’– a challenge for a state, which declared itself to be (solely) ‘Jewish’. Consequently Israel never defined its borders, the ‘provisional state’ existed in ‘armistice lines’ after agreements with Jordan and Egypt. Jerusalem, especially the Old City, was under Jordan governance. Stabilisation of Israel’s Jewish society in the achieved borders was the issue of the next period before looking to new horizons.

III Planning in Israel – from Fostering the Jewish Character of Israel to an Ethnocratic Planning System

With regard to territorial shifts, Israel was established on about 20,000 km2 –i.e., more than 70% - of the Mandatory Palestine, while the remaining West Bank including East, Arab Jerusalem, and Gaza Strip had been governed by two neighbouring Arab states Jordan and Egypt.
When the 1947-1949 war ended 156,000 Palestinians, about 18% of the total population lived still as citizens in Israel. According to Israel's Declaration of Independence (which is not a constitution) ((Isr.) Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2009, Moyal 1998), all social groups in Israel were guaranteed social and political equality. By contrast Palestinian Arabs democratic rights in the Jewish state have remained precarious. (Coon 1992) The judaisation of the country through planning, land regulations and laws marginalised them in many terms.

The Palestinian citizens of Israel can be viewed as a national (Palestinian), ethnic (Arab), and linguistic (Arabic) community. According to official Israeli statistics in 2009, they number about 1.7 million, comprising 20.6% of the total population of Israel that is about 7.4 million. According to a research published by Soffer (2001), the Arab population of Israel could reach 23% in 2020, and 31% in 2050. The common terms used by Israelis to describe the Palestinian minority are “Israeli Arabs,” “the Arab Sector,” “Arab citizens of Israel,” or “Arabs or Palestinians inside the green line.”
The Palestinian community in Israel identifies itself as an integral part of the state of Israel and they have full Israeli citizenship. Nonetheless, they are not accorded the same rights as Jewish citizens of the state. “Institutionalised inequality, discriminatory policies, and informal prejudice all combine to prevent Palestinian citizens in Israel from attaining [spatial], social and economic equality” (Ittijah, 1998). A report published by the International Crisis Group (2004) indicates that Palestinian citizens are largely cut off from the geographical, cultural, economic and political mainstream of the state.
Successive Israeli governments have regarded the Palestinian community as a hostile and alienated element in a foreign country, especially after the entry of most right wing Knesset members like Avigor Lieberman in the election of 2009. Furthermore, 'Arab' citizens are often perceived as a security and demographic threat to the state of Israel. Accordingly, they feel themselves neglected and discriminated by the state, particularly on issues of land ownership, education, housing, employment, social services, resource allocation and political representation. For instance, is fact that between 1975 and 2000, public housing units built for the Palestinian Arab population were only 0.3% of the total public housing in the state. With regard to socio-economic aspects, 'Arabs in Israel' have the lowest socio-economic status of all groups in the state. Sikkuy, the ‘Association for the Advancement of Civic Equality’ in Israel, in its annual report on equality between Jewish and Arab citizens in 2008 reported that the Arab population receives only 49 percent of the benefits they are entitled to. The state of Israel invests NIS 508 in every Jewish citizen on average, while only NIS 348 is invested in Arab citizens. Nearly 65.7 percent of Arab children are living below the poverty line however 31.4 percent of Jewish children (Sikkuy 2008). In 2008 around 20 percent of all Israelis were suffering from poverty and about 35% of them were Arabs. Moreover, 60 percent of all 'Arab' families lived below the poverty line. (CBS 2009)
The geographic and demographic reverse in Israel - from a 6-7% control over Palestinian land to an usurpation of more than 90% and transfer into Jewish national property on the one hand and the establishing of a Jewish majority in most of the Israeli regions and the systematic usurpation planning behind it is the issue of this section.
The first chapter of this section (Waltz) aims to understand the continuity of this process from prior 1947 until 1967. Hence this article will light up the rapid change of the geo map from some Jewish spots in a historically and well composed Palestinian habitat to a judaised country with 'western' style environment, emptied as much from Palestinian footprint. The next chapters (Egbaria) aim to illustrate the actual and after 1967 spatial expropriation and discrimination of the Palestinians within Israel: the first will go into principles of Israeli planning; in fact there are two spatial systems in one land; the second shows in detail how ethnic discriminating system affects the housing conditions of Palestinians in Israel on the example of Tayibe city and the third tackles the situation of the Bedouins in Israel, as one example of 'unrecognised' people in 'unrecognised' localities, again Palestinian localities.
Egbaria regards the problem of discrimination and alienation against the Palestinian citizens in Israel as deep and not easily to be resolved because it goes to the heart of Israel's self-definition as both a Jewish and a democratic state. Palestinians enjoy greater political rights in Israel than in other states in the region but they suffer from an unequal allocation of three basic components of a democratic society: resources, rights and representation. It is argued that the relationship of the urban needs of the 'Arab' citizens and the state is mainly a result of constant political pressure. Therefore, in order to face the challenge of systemic inequities that are facing Palestinian or 'Arab' Israelis, there should be an inclusive and comprehensive framework to define the needs of this segment of population, otherwise prospects for internal conflicts and instability and beyond of all underdevelopment will remain high – and this is fact until today, Egbaria argues.

References
Coon, Anthonoy (1992) Town Planning under Occupation: An examination of the Law and Practice of Town Planning in the Occupied West Bank, Al-Haq, Ramallah
Central Bureau of Statistics (2008) Statistical Abstracts of Israel No. 59, Jerusalem
International Crisis Group ICG (2004) Identity Crisis: Israel and its Arab Citizens,
(Israel) Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2009 in: wewewe.mfa.gov.il 2. December 2009 Middle East Report No. 25. Amman/Brussels
Ittiyah (1998) The unique Status and development needs of the Arab community in Israel, Union of Arab Community Based Organizations, Haifa, Israel
Moyal, Yoram (1998) Israel: Verfassungsverständnis und Verfassungsgerichtsbarkeit im internationalen Vergleich, Seminarbericht, Universität Trier, WS 1996/97
Sikkuy The Association for the Advancement of Civic Equality (2008) The Equality Index of Jewish and Arab Citizens in Israel, Jerusalem
Soffer, Arnon (2001) Israel, Demography 2000-2020, Haifa, Israel

Viktoria Waltz
III 1. The Usurpation of Palestinian Land in Israel – steps until 1967

At first after 15th May 1948 Zionist planners wanted to change the unbalanced settlement of Jews in some mainly urban spots into a fully covering Jewish presence, where Jewish structures and Jewish population dominate. This would foster more occupation of Palestinian land, radical expropriation and a strategic immigration policy. Despite the refugee disaster at the end of the British Mandate in some areas Palestinians still formed majorities - while the Jewish population, nearly 80% of them, lived compact in the coastal towns. These facts show clearly that the Zionist plan was not yet completed and Israel in Mandate size not achieved as proclaimed. In addition, the country was even not yet 'Jewish' (see map 1). ....

Volltext online unter
http://www.arendt-art.de/deutsch/palestina/Waltz/3engIgeneralIsrael48_67_s_49-63.pdf